Crowd research and public order policing

Crowd research has a tradition of more than a century and has since seen a couple of approaches. Early views of crowds were rather negative. Some assumed that the crowd would change a person's behaviour into something different from being normal and rational. Others suggested that the aggregation of persons with a specific personality would be the cause for specific behaviour.

 

While information on those groups is very valuable, there are quite a number of  questions that had not been answered. For example, why are there no incidents despite the presence of 'known troublemakers' or 'why do peaceful housewives support activists by filling cans with sand so that they can be used as missiles against the police?'

 

A big step forward in crowd research was made when the context a crowd is placed came into consideration. Elements of that context might be the weather and the infrastructure but most importantly context refers to other groups that the crowd interacts with or sub groups within the crowd. At football games, for example there are per definition at least two groups. At demonstrations, there is protest and counter protest. And of course, the police are context, too .

 

During the event groups interact verbally or non verbally – but those actions have an effect on people's behaviour. Whether you want it or not, just by being present you communicate, interact with others and influence them. The good thing is if you are conscious of this processyou can deal with it. You can shape the form and the way of interaction.

 

 

The initiation and escalation of violence

 

The escalation of violence is connected with two aspects:

Firstly there is a connection between violence and the cognitive processes of decision making and cost-benefit analyses: Individuals seem to avoid unnecessary risks or try to reduce risk. They rather operate in groups or flee from situations they seem unable to win. Violence is observed more often when people disguise themselves so that they cannnot be responsable for their actions.

 

Secondly, violence is higher the more antagonistic the relationships between different groups are and the more an ‘us versus them’ situation develops. Police measures can have an effect on this; in particular collective interventions can lead to more explicit ingroup- versus-outgroup behaviour and to more individuals behaving violently. In theory, this relates to changes of social identity that may occur as a result of intergroup interaction, as it is proposed by the ESIM, the Elaborated Social Identity Model of crowd behaviour. The ESIM suggests that people in a crowd situation do not lose their personal identity but they shift to their social identity.

 

Social Identity refers to the identity that people have as a members of a specific group. Social Identity describes what is important to them, what relations they have with other groups. But Social Identity is not stable, it may change during the interaction process with an outgroup.

 

But groups do not start being a collective whole. The process towards collective action depends on the interaction groups have with other groups around.  Social Identity may become negative when out-group behaviour is perceived as illegitimate.  That means changes of attitudes may take place in the course of an event - people may increasingly engage in violent actions against another group.

 

 The following process may take place:

  • The out-group is viewed a the enemy

  • The individual becomes part of the system them versus us

  • The crowd participants become more and more closely bound together, social cohesion increases

  • People one did not like so much before are now part of the group

  • The influence of agitators rises

  • The final result: We are the good – the others are the bad ones and all action taken against them is good

 

Once such a situation has developed it is difficult to be handled. In most cases police can only refer to strong coercive methods which may end the situation but may have very negative effects. There may be material damage, injuries and in the future those who have been in the event will be influenced by their experiences form the past.

 

 


"There is not much police can do to stop a riot – but they can do a lot to prevent it."                   (O. Adang)

Knowing of these mechanisms has also led to suggestions on how to anticipate and to prevent such developments. Recommendations concern four areas: Information, Facilitation, Communication and Differentiation.

 

Information

Information relates to knowledge not only about possible troublemakers but refers to all groups expected to be present. The aim should be to understand:

What kinds of people are they? What are their aims? What is important to them? Why are they here? Who are their enemies? Were there specific incidents in the past? What relationship do they have with regard to the police?

Taking all this into account, one should then ask: what aims pursued? Can they be legally pursued? And how can we facilitate these? Facilitation is particularly important during situations of increasing risk. To keep on supporting the legal aims, while limits are being posed to illegal actions.

 

Communication

It should take place before, during and after an event. The police should explain what they are doing and why. If not, people will draw their own conclusions. The police should be approachable and get actively in touch with crowd participants. In doing so it will possible to detect early signals, avoid misunderstandings and frictions, decrease anonymity.

 

Differentiation

Do not treat all persons the same if they don't do the same. Interventions should be carried out quickly and targeted. Differentiation is so important because it avoids the build-up of an  ‚US versus THEM‘ situation.

 

Recommendations and applications

Recommendations based on these principles have been incorporated in policing concepts in several EU countries (e.g. for the policing of the Euro 2004 in Portugal, the Swedish model of policing) and in recommendations made by EU bodies. For example the ‘EU Handbook’ for the handling of football games with an international dimension (EU, 2010) and the European Convention of Spectators Violence or the Standing Committee on dialogue and interaction with fans (Rec 1, 2012) particularly recommends an open and transparent dialogue between fans, clubs, police and authorities on a short-term (match preparation) and long-term basis (problem solving).

A detailed Handbook with recommendations for the policing of political demonstrations has come out of the EU funded project GODIAC (HOME/2009/ISEC/AG/182). The project was based on the four principles (above) and made use of the 'peer-review' methodology for the evaluation of crowd events.

 

references and further reading

  • Adang, O.M.J. (2011). Initiation and Escalation of Collective Violence: An Observational Study. In: T. D. Madensen & J. Knutsson & (Eds.) Preventing Crowd Violence. (pp.47-68). Boulder: Lynne-Rienner.
  • Reicher, S., Stott, C, Drury, J., Adang, O., Cronin, P., & Livingstone, A. (2007). Knowledge based public order policing: Principles and practice. Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies & Management, 1 , 4, 403-415.
  • Reicher, S., Stott, C., Cronin, P. & Adang, O. (2004). An integrated approach to crowd psychology and pubic order policing. Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies & Management. 24, 4, 558-572.